A (very) brief history of Burray and South Ronaldsay - the later years

contents: the early days 1472-1699 | things can only get better – the 1700s | the revolution in farming, industry, learning and communication – the 1800s | world wars, oil and alternative energy – the 1900s | further reading and references [The first three hundred years are nearing completion. The next step is the 1800s.]

Scottish and British rule (1472-1699) – the early days

One of the striking features of this era is that, compared to its forerunner, the ‘Viking / Norse / Scandinavian Period’, relatively little attention has been given to Orkney, Shetland, and other islands by mainstream writers. Yet it was a time (particularly from 1540 to 1814) when there was, as Peter Marshall puts it, ‘a sequence of dramatic – and often traumatic – processes, which profoundly reshaped patterns of society and redirected the course of countless individual lives’ (2024: 3). As he goes on to show, islands like Orkney were ‘revelatory places’ in this respect. They raised important questions around the nature of nationality and identity, and are paradoxical places:

As communities, they are prescribed by the clearest. most non-negotiable of boundaries. But they can also so be surpisingly open and permeable, the encircling sea as much a conduit as a barrier. In relation to mainlands, they are by definition marginal, if not isolated and secluded. Yet by virture of participation in trade and proximity to sea-lanes, islanders often enjoy greater contact with the outside world than inhabitants of inland regions. (Marshall 2024: 5-6)

We also need to bear religious change in mind. During the fifteenth century, there appears to have been a decline in monastic life in Scotland and a rise in the number of friars looking to minister and preach in local communities. Other developments questioned the Catholic Church’s operations and beliefs, and revealed corruption. We also see the growing influence of humanism and the work of Desiderius Erasmus (1466–1536) and others, particularly in the early Sixteenth Century.

Guillaume Farel, Johannes Calvin, Théodore de Bèze and John Knox – Paul Landowski / Henri Bouchard – Roland Zumbühl: http://www.picswiss.ch/Genf/GE-05-01.html | ccbysa3

There was a growing belief in the need to question and explore the Church’s teaching and practices. By the 1520s, the work and beliefs of Martin Luther were also reaching Scotland. By the 1550s, there had been a significant growth in Protestantism and in the number of churches embracing it. In addition, a significant number of Protestant Lords grouped and began to organise to gain control of the Scottish Parliament so that legislation could be passed to establish Protestantism and to reject ‘Papal supremacy’. In 1560, after a period of significant conflict, they gained control of the Scottish Parliament and passed legislation that, in effect, abolished many elements of Catholic status and practice (such as Mass). It also eliminated Papal jurisdiction in Scotland and reduced the sacraments to two: communion and baptism. Celebrants had to be Protestant. Not surprisingly, Mary Queen of Scots refused to sign the Acts passed by the Parliament. However, she was forced into abdication and her son James VI (aged 13 months) took over, and a series of regents took over. The 1560 Act was signed off, as was legislation that was clearly Calvinist in orientation. There was a concern for simplicity in worship, a focus on the Bible, and

Troubled times

Over time, the power of the Sinclairs waned, in part, because of conflicts between different factions within the family. In 1529, this resulted in the Battle of Summerdale/Summers Dale between the Orcadian Sinclairs and the Caithness Sinclairs (click for map). It is said to be the last battle on the Orkney mainland. The Orcadians won and appear to have killed nearly all their opponents (500 men).

Summerdale didn’t end the problems faced by the Orcadian Sinclairs. New aristocratic families had appeared, and in the process, one particular family – the Stewarts – came to the fore. Robert Stewart (1533-1593), the illegitimate son of James V of Scotland and a half-brother of Mary Queen of Scots, became the 1st Earl of Orkney. Along with his son Patrick, he is remembered ‘for the hardship and cruelty of their times, and this period was to herald an all-time low for the people of Orkney’ (Wickham-Jones 2013: 153). If Robert Stewart was bad, his son Patrick was even worse. He was known as ‘Black Patie’, and ‘became a symbol of coercion, cruelty and tyranny’ (Marshall 2024: 154). ‘Black Patie’ was executed in 1615. His father, Robert Stewart, had been hanged a short time before him.

In 1603, the situation began to change. On the death of Queen Elizabeth I, James VI of Scotland became James I of England. This had fundamental repercussions (see Jackson 2025). In March 1611, a decree was issued stating that it was the will of the king that his subjects should ‘live and be governed under the laws and statutes of this realm only, and by no laws of foreign countries’ (op. cit.: 165). This went beyond the 1472 Act by excluding external laws and including England. Orkney and Shetland had formally become part of Britain, and Norse law had been set aside.

While these were radical changes, they probably didn’t have a major impact on the lives of ‘ordinary people’. As Rosemary Hebden (2008: 26) put it, they were no better off under the system that followed the end of Earldom, and probably did not notice any change. However, in the case of Burray, some significant alterations to local life resulted from the actions of some members of the Stewart family.

From 1550 to 1768, Burray was in the hands of the family (Struthers 2013: 15-27). The Bu estate was the centre of much activity. There was a house here from Norse times, and perhaps even earlier, but William Stewart of Mains and Burray (circa 1575-1661) looks to have rebuilt it in the 1640s. Struthers draws our attention to his coat of arms (dated 1649) on the north wall of the old bothy, and a marriage stone concerning his marriage to Barbara Stewart in 1638 can be found above the washhouse. The Bu is now a listed building (click for details), as is another product of William Stewart’s activities in the village – the Storehouse (Store-House), Westshore. Its purpose was to store the grain produced and needed by his tenants. Another significant contribution is said to be William’s funding of the renovation of the local Burray church, St Lawrence’s, which was completed in 1621. There is at least one family grave in the churchyard.

Orkney did not escape the ‘Little Ice Age’ that much of Europe experienced. This had a particularly negative effect on agriculture. It appears that the early 1630s were particularly challenging. The bishops of Orkney and Caithness petitioned the Privy Council concerning the impact of ‘tempestuous and bitter weather’, the destruction of the harvest before it could be taken in, and reported that some were so desperate that they had run into the sea and drowned themselves. Caroline Wickham-Jones summed up the situation as follows:

There was a general climatic deterioration, and this, coupled with the previous impoverishment, meant that rents and taxes became harsher and harsher. Many farmers had to give up, and poverty was rife. Famines became common, and even the landowners went bankrupt. Life for the average Orcadian was to take a while to improve, and the seventeenth century was one of poverty and agricultural exhaustion for most people. (2013: 155)

Additionally, the plague arrived from Scandinavia in 1624. It, in turn, led to the halting of trade to these areas.

The Wars of the Three Kingdoms

On top of all this, Orkney suffered badly from the effects of the Wars of the Three Kingdoms between 1639 and 1653 (the kingdoms being England, Scotland, and Ireland that were part of a ‘personal union’ under Charles I). Included were the Bishops’ Wars (1639-1640), the First and Second English Civil Wars, the Irish Confederate Wars, the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland and the Anglo-Scottish War of 1650–1652. A significant number of Orcadians were forced to join a Royalist army headed by James Graham (the Marquis of Montrose and the king’s Lord Lieutenant in Scotland). They had little training and were augmented by a small corps of German and Danish mercenaries. Early in April 1650, around 1000 men set sail from Holm in mainland Orkney for John O’Groats. From there, they marched for two weeks to the southern end of Sutherland. In the process, they failed to gain further support from the local clans.

The Royalists were in the field to the left of Culrain village, and fled up the hill in the top-left of this photo by Donald Bain | ccbysa2

On Saturday, April 27, 1650, the ‘Orcadian’ soldiers met part of Cromwell’s New Model Army in Carbisdale (close to the Kyle of Sutherland). In a quick battle, 400 islanders died (200 of whom drowned trying to escape across the Kyle Estuary). Another 450 were captured, many of whom were later consigned to work in lead mines. A small number (around 40) were released to return home as they had been conscripted and had children. It appears that around 100 soldiers had been able to escape the battlefield (including the Marquis of Montrose). However, the Marquis (James Graham) was captured within a few days and executed. [For an account of the battle and its aftermath, see Chapter 6 in Peter Marshall’s excellent book. Click for an overview of the battle, and its outcomes, from The Orkney News, April 27, 2025.]

Back in Orkney, a meeting of lairds (who were largely Royalists) refused to support the governor of Kirkwall and his officers. In addition, ‘commoners’ were said to be in a ‘revolutionary ferment’. As a result, the ‘government in Edinburgh, and the sheriff in Kirkwall, lost control of the islands’ (Marshall 2025: 278). Led by a man known as Currey (we have no evidence of his first name), a force of 600 commoners was able to take control of Kirkwall and ‘expel or imprison lairds attempting to debate public business’ (op. cit.). However, by April 1651, the lairds had fallen in line with Scottish government demands and agreed to support raising a new regiment. Currey and other rebel leaders were arrested. A Cromwellian garrison was established in Kirkwall early in 1652. However, as one of Cromwell’s soldiers noted, conditions remained poor for many local people: ‘Their schooles of learning are in every house, and their first lesson is to hunt the louse’ (op cit).

Devilry and witchcraft, the rule of the church, and other problems

One further dimension has been highlighted by Marshall (2025: 182-238) – devilry and witchcraft. Between 1594 and 1708, there were at least 97 people indicted as witches in Orkney. This was more than double the number per head in Scotland as a whole. Furthermore, the vast majority were women (81). The trials appear to be clustered – often linked to times of turmoil. Ragnhild Ljosland and Helen Woodsford-Dean have argued that there is a connection with political upheaval and famine. They also suggest that a ‘cluster of witch trials coincided with James VI’s siege of Kirkwall and Earl Patrick’s downfall in 1615, but without any evidence of a direct link other than the general unrest in the period’. In addition, they report that a lot appears to depend on the people involved: ‘One keen witch-hunter in a position of power can make a big impact’. In South Ronaldsay, there were several cases. For example, Jonet of Cara was burnt in Ronaldsvoe (Marshall 2024: 185), John Budge was named as a probable victim (op. cit.: 214), and Edward Richardson, the minister at Old St Mary’s Church, aka Lady Kirk, had to order the opening of graves in front of certain local people said to be wicked and to have caused their deaths. It was claimed that the ghosts of several drowned fishermen were haunting the area. No accusatory signs appeared, and Richardson declared the matter closed.

The rule of the church

[See Buckham Hugh Hossack 1900: Chapter XXVII]

In the final years of the 17th century, the cost of renting land continued to increase. The middlemen between the owners and tenants (known in the Highlands as tackmen) put up the price of land. This had the effect of driving some tenants out of Orkney and of adding to the number of people experiencing severe poverty. Additionally, a poll tax was levied between 1693 and 1695 to help fund the Nine Years’ War, which was being fought against the French on the continent. As Rosemary Hebden has commented, ‘it applied to everyone except young children and those who lived “on charity”‘ and was levied in addition to various other taxes (2011: 29-30). Things were made worse in 1696 by one of the worst harvests experienced in Orkney. The result was that land fell out of use, and there was a great deal of suffering. On top of this, French boats appear to have raided Orkney at this time.

Things can only get better – Orkney in the 1700s

Farming was slow to recover, and some new crops, such as potatoes, were introduced, in this case, in 1750. Another innovation was the use of seaweed to fertilise crops. There was also a growth in flax production that was originally established by Norwegian settlers. However, perhaps the most significant change in farming in the early eighteenth century was the removal of tacksmen and run-rigs (strips of land that moved between tenants so that the best land was shared). They were replaced by crofting. This entailed individual tenancies, and rents were being paid directly to the landowner. However, there were at this time, ‘no tenants’ rights, and the size of a croft was deliberately too small to allow self-sufficiency’ (Wikipedia). Today, a croft is basically ‘a small piece of agricultural land, a sort of micro-farm, which may, or may not, have a house on it’ (Historic Environment Scotland). Often grouped into ‘townships’, each crofter has their own patch, and can also access common lands for grazing livestock or for communal activities (op. cit.).

Kelp making in Durness, Orkney. Edinburgh and Scottish Collection, Edinburgh Central Library. I F Grant Photographic Archive. Believed to be in the public domain.

One of the factors that powered the move to crofting was the need to house the growing workforce involved in processing seaweed into kelp. Kelp production became a key element of the Orcadian economy. This is how Jane Lindsey put it:

Seaweed, when burned into ash, provided the alkali for making soap and glass – especially valued for the fine window glass that had become popular in the mid C18th. It could also be further processed elsewhere to extract iodine and silver iodide. By the early C19th 60,000 people were working in kelp manufacture in Scotland and £70,000 profit was being made in the Hebrides alone. At its peak crofters on Orkney were producing 3000 tonnes of kelp ash a year – it was worth £22 a tonne. The crofters were paid £2 a tonne. (Snapdragon Life)

Kelp-making is said to have begun in Orkney in 1721 through the efforts of James Fee of Whitehall in Stronsay. The kelp boom, which followed, reached its peak between 1770 and 1830. Production was spread across the islands, but there were particular centres such as Sanday, Stronsay and Westray. [If visiting Stronsay, check out the Heritage Trail]. This said, both Burray and South Ronaldsay were still producing around 125 tons per year in the 1790s (compared to around 1100 tons for the three islands above). The industry is said to have employed close to 3000 people across Orkney at its peak, and had major implications for shipping. However, it wasn’t without its opponents. Melting the kelp affected people’s eyesight and could lead to blindness (op. cit.). It was also blamed for the extreme famines resulting from crop failure and dying animals between 1739 and 1742. This led to a major riot in Stronsay in May 1742, which, in turn, spread to other areas and islands. [Click to read a piece by Bill Miller on Orkney’s Kelp Riots]. With kelp prices dropping sharply after 1830, the activity wasn’t profitable. The result was significant job losses and local depopulation.

Whaling, fishing and the Hudson Bay Company – the rise of Stromness

Stromness by William Daniell, 1820. Aberdeen City Council. Currently believed to be in the public domain.

The sea had created other opportunities for work. Stromness became a key port for provisioning and recruiting crews for the Arctic whaling industry from around 1770 to 1870 (Arctic whaling looks to have begun around 40 years earlier). It was, for many years, a highly profitable but dangerous industry. Lobster fishing was also a significant feature of Scapa Flow. As Majorie Hebden reports, by 1775 live lobsters were being shipped to London (2011: 31). Deep-sea cod fishing and herring fishing were also growing from the 1750s. Other industries, such as straw plait manufacture and the manufacture of linen and woollen cloth, were in decline. The latter had ‘wholly ceased’ with the rise of new technologies some years later (Learmouth 1841). Stromness had grown both in size and economic significance, and much to the disgust of businesses in Kirkwall, they were the focus of attention.

A further important development was the establishment of the Hudson Bay Company. Charles II granted a charter in 1670 to create the company, which aimed to map a northwest passage to what is now known as Canada and to develop the largely unexplored area near Hudson Bay. The Orkney mainland was an obvious choice, as it offered a direct and shorter route than almost anywhere else in what is now known as Britain, and had been used before in Norse times.

Stromness became the centre for the company’s activities in Orkney, receiving various goods from England and then dispatching them to Hudson Bay. The population of Stromness continued to increase, rising to 2199 people in the 1794 census. Crucially, Orkney also became the main source of labour for developing production in Canada. It grew to over 500 employees (mostly men) by the end of the eighteenth century, 80% of the total workforce. The company’s initial focus was the highly profitable trade in beaver fur, which it came to dominate. Over the years, it developed a range of additional activities.

The Hudson Bay Company required a range of jobs to be filled. These included guards, trappers, labourers, washerwomen and specialist posts such as doctors. John Rae (1813-3), the Orcadian who became famous as an explorer, was a qualified surgeon and worked for the company in the Bay area for around ten years. His father had also been the Hudson Bay Company’s chief representative in Orkney with a particular responsibility for hiring workers. The family home (the Hall of Clestrain in Orphir, a grade A listed building dating back to 1769) was across the bay from Stromness. Previously, the land had been owned by the Sinclair family.

Another important local figure involved with the Hudson Bay Company was William Tomison (1739-1829) from South Ronaldsay. At the age of 20 (in 1760), he signed on with the Hudson’s Bay Company as a labourer based in Canada. Over the years, he worked his way up the Company and became the inland chief. He retired in 1803 but soon wearied of the experience, returning in 1806 to take up junior roles. In 1810, he finally returned to South Ronaldsay. Having no direct heir, he bequeathed a large part of his accumulated wealth to establish a free school for local children (for more details see Tomison’s Academy – a Category B listed building).

Social and political change

Religious conflict

Lairds etc.

Jacobites etc

There was significant social and political change, particularly following the Battle of Culloden in 1745, when many big estates were taken over from Jacobite landowners by the government.

The revolution in farming, industry, learning and communication – Orkney in the 1800s

World Wars, oil and alternative energy – Orkney in the 1900s

[We are in the process of preparing these final sections]

A (very) brief history of Burray and South Ronaldsay – the later years